Monday, September 27, 2021

The character of a nation is defined by the character of its citizens.

 

THE IDEA OF INDIA:

The character of a nation is defined by the character of its citizens. The nation today is in search of people who will put nation before themselves, who believe that their destiny is intrinsically linked up with the destiny of the nation;  the people who do not want to use the nation to build their destiny but build their destiny by first building the destiny of the nation. 

“Citizenship is an attitude, a state of mind, an emotional conviction that the whole is greater than the part.  And that the part should be humbly proud to sacrifice itself that the whole may life.” Robert A. Heinlein.

The subject “The idea of India” is hotly debated during these days when alternative “idea of India” is being put forward by the contending section of the Indians.

They argue that those who are speaking of ‘Idea of India’ think India came into existence only after independence.  They argue that India existed since thousands of years.  But there is a big fallacy in their argument.  This fallacy is because they confuse India as a geographical territory and India as a political entity. 

The geographical land called India existed from, not only thousands of years but also from millions of years. The fact is what existed thousands of years ago in the geographical land, now called India, is not the same as what this land has come to be. It is the history that will tell us how this land has evolved from primitive reality to the modern 20st century India.

Before the British arrives in India there were many war lords, kings, and emperors who rule on difference parts of this land.  There was the Maghad empire, the Marathas ruled over huge territory of India. In the south there was a Chola dynasty, Pallavans, Maharaja of Mysore, Haidar Ali, Tippu Sultan.  From the coming of the Muslim sultans, Babar, Akbar ruled a huge territory of India.  The British arrived in India and they went in war with many of these rulers and defeated them.  They made a treaty with some which allowed them to keep their territory under their control but would owe allegiance to the British rules.  When the British rulers consolidated their hold on the entire territory of India it was in their interest to unite the territory of India. Such united territory did not exist before the British rule.

Emergence of Nationalism:

During the freedom struggle and with the influence of wester education the sentiments of nationalism took roots in India.  The leaders of the freedom struggle were looking for an identity of Nation State as the British was a nation state and empire.  The idea of Nationalism strengthened the freedom struggle.  Under the leadership of Gandhi all people of different origin, cultures, religions and economic classed got united to fight for independence for the British rule.

Hence the idea of India existed from thousands of years is a fallacy.  It is only through the rise of nationalism and finally achieving independence from the British rule that India as a Nation state came into being.

The leaders of the freedom struggle searched for the idea of India.  The founding fathers of our nation inspire and instill in us about the idea of India.   

There was near unanimity among them about how our nation should be moulded.  During the freedom struggle the people of India with every shade of ideology had identified themselves with the Indian National Congress.  The manner in which this movement functioned during the struggle for independence indicated what idea they had for the nation that they had laboured to bring forth.

We are a nation that is blessed with many great people who have fought for great values and dedicated themselves to build the nation along these values.  We should solute to these leaders, Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, Maulana Azad, Jyotiba Phule, Babasaheb Ambedkar, etc.

“Men and women in every age and society want to make their own history, but they do not make it in an historical vacuum.  Their effort, however innovative, in finding solution to their problems in the present and charting out their future, are guided and circumscribed, moulded and conditioned, by their respective histories, their inherited economic, political and ideological structure.  Our past, present and future is inextricably linked to it.

By the very definition of making history is in the context of our past and our vision for the future. India set on its path, on its own as it were, after independence, i.e., from 1947.  But this path has deep roots in the struggle of the people for independence.  The political and ideological features, which have had a decisive impact on the post-independence development, are largely a legacy of the freedom struggle.  It is a legacy that belongs to all the Indian people, regardless of which party or group they belong to now; for the force which led this struggle from 1885 to 1947 was not a party but a movement.  All political trends from the Right to the Left were incorporated in this movement.” (Bhipin Chandra, Mridula Mukherjee, Aditya Mukherjee, K.N. Panikkar and Sucheta Mahajan, India’s Struggle for Independence.)

The vision for the future of Indian was set by the Constituent Assembly which with long strenuous deliberation drafted a Constitution for India. At the heart of the constitutional document was the indelible faith in Indian Nationalism.  The visionary founders espoused to deliver the promise of freedom to the masses.  The primary aim of the constituent assembly was fostering the goal of social revolution and this was matched only by an interest in securing ‘national unity and stability’.  The engine of this social revolution emerged from both the pressing needs of the newly independent country and the Indian National Congress’ long experience of anti-colonial nationalism.  The leaders of the Congress successfully transplanted the goals of freedom struggle as constitutional maxims.  According to Nehru, ‘Indians did not default their tryst with destiny’.  The fundamental rights and the directive principles are the ‘conscience’ of India.

Along the history, in the context of emergency of 1975 and in 1992 the demolition of Babri  Masjid, there was increased demand for further democratization and empowerment among the economically and socially deprived.

The founders’ vision of social revolution, national unity, and stability through democracy that formed the ‘seamless web’ continued to both influence and pose problems for their successors.

The country lost its maternal immunity late in the sixties with the decline of the founding generation ...   Approaching maturity in the nineties, its most difficult time lie ahead.

Can India be a great democracy, strong in itself and, in the eyes of the world, so long as so many of its people are denied the promise of the Preamble?

If the constitution of India was the finest expression of Indian nationalism, why did it not enchant two of the most significant communities of India, the Muslims and the Dalits?

The Indian nationalists were at the heart of the founding document, the constitution.  Such nationalists believed in democratizing power, in accommodating differences and in integrated pluralism and, above all sought to uplift the down trodden through a social revolution.

What are the outstanding features of the freedom struggle? A major aspect is the values and modern ideals on which the movement itself was based and the broad socio economic and political vision of its leadership (this vision was that of a democratic, civil libertarian and secular India, based on self-reliant, egalitarian social order and an independent stand as against the rest of the world.

  • Democratic ideas and institutions in India:  The Indian National Congress was fully committed to and organized on a democratic basis and in the form of a parliament.  Having experienced the British authoritarian and despotic rule which did not give any space for freedom of speech and press, the national leaders were whole heartedly committed to drive out not only the British rulers out of the country but also their despotic rule and replace it with democracy, freedom of speech and freedom of press. The national movement did not see the democratic values to be practiced only after independence, but these values were built in the functioning of the movement itself.  There were no decisions taken in the congress without thorough discussion and through consensus. Every resolution was put to vote. People were free to disagree and dissent.  Mahatma Gandhi even congratulated those who had the courage of conviction to vote against a resolution.
  • From the beginning the nationalists fought against the attacks by the state on the freedom of the press, of expression and of association.  They made the struggle for these freedoms an integral part of the national movement.  The defense of civil liberties was not conceived narrowly, in terms of one political group, but was extended to include the defense of other groups whose views were politically and ideologically different.  Gandhiji thus writes on the total civil liberty, “Liberty of speech means that it is un-assailed even when the speech hurts; liberty of the Press can be said to be truly respected; only the Press can comment in the severest terms upon and even misrepresent matters.  Similarly, freedom of association is truly respected when the assemblies of people can discuss even revolutionary projects.” “Civil liberty consistent with observance of non-violence is the first step towards SWARAJ.  It is the breath of political and social life.  It is the foundation of freedom.  There is no room there for dilution or compromise.  It is water of life.” (B. R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi -- a Biography.)

Nehru was known for his deep commitment to civil liberty.  He kept the civil liberty at par with economic equality and socialism.  He wrote, “If civil liberties are suppressed, a nation loses all vitality and becomes impotent for anything substantial.” (S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru – a biography vol. one.)

 

Monetization of Assets Pipeline

 

Wither India

With The National Monetization Pipeline

 

What is the National Monetization Pipeline?

The government, and particularly, the finance ministry has announced that a list of public assets will be leased to the private investors for a period of time to raise Rs. 6 lakh crore over the next four years.

What Assets? Only those assets which are already operational, will be leased out to the private investors. 

26,700 Kms highways worth Rs.1.6 Lakh (L) Crore (Cr); - 400 Railway stations and 150 trains (Rs.1.5 L. Cr); - 42,300 Circuit Kms of Power Transmission Lines (Rs.0.67 L. Cr); - 5,000 MW Hydro, Solar and Wind Power Generation assets (Rs.0.32 L. Cr); - 8,000 Kms of National Gas Pipelines (Rs.0.24 L. Cr); - 4,000 Kms Pipelines of IOC and HPCL (Rs.0.22 L. Cr); BSNL and MTNL Towers (Rs.0.39 L. Cr); - 21 Airports and 31 Ports (Rs.0.34 L. Cr); 160 Coal Mining projects (Rs.0.32 L. Cr); and 2 Sport Stadiums (Rs.0.11 L. Cr) etc. for various durations of lease. It is claimed that the funds so generated will be invested in expanding infrastructure.

The assets in creation, in the process of building up will not be included.  These could be considered to be leased out only when the building of these assets is completed.  The building up or completion of, or creation of assets has to be done by the government.

We have already in existence the assets which have been leased out, such as the airports. Adani has been given the Mumbai Chhatrapati Shivaji airport, Thiruvananthapuram airport for the purpose of operation.  And Mundra port in Kutch which had in one of its containers massive quantities of drugs coming from Afghanistan.

The leasing out of the assets means that the ownership of the assets remains with the government but they will remain at the disposal of the investors during the period of the lease agreement.  Once the lease period is over the assets will be handed over back to the Government.

The investors will pay the government lease amount for each of these assets.  This amount may not be the cost of the creation of the assets.  This lease amount will become an income for the government.  The government would like to earn about Rs. 5.96 lakh crore.  As far as the investors are concerned, they will run the assets, eg., the airport, and earn money for themselves.  If the government was running these assets, they would also earn the money for the government. But the time the government would earn the money equivalent to the lease amount, it will take several years.  Leasing the assets will give the government immediately this amount and investors will recover their investment and their profit over a period of time.

The government says by leasing the assets to the investors they will free the capital (investment) stuck in these assets.  The government will immediately get back quite a substantial part of the money invested, (about 14% of the total investment) in these assets from the lease.  The government can invest this lease amount to create new assets and infrastructure. In this manner the National Monetization Pipeline (NMP) will boost the Indian economy.    This will help the economy to move forward. It will generate new employment and new infrastructure.  Further the newly created infrastructure can be leased out to more investment by the private capital leading to government earning and further investing in creation of new assets and creating more employment leading to growth. This pipeline will be a continuous process.

What are the fault lines of this NMP?

1.      First of all, we must understand that the assets being offered for leasing have been created through the contribution of the citizens, all of whom pay either direct or indirect taxes to the government.  The citizens have stakes in the management and operation of these assets.  They have elected a government to govern which means the government and their agencies should operate these assets for the public interest and not to be handed over to the private capital to generate profit for themselves.  The assets offered over the private investors are performing assets which serve the people.


2.      There is a big doubt if the private capital will come forward to take the public assets on lease.  There is a standing offer to them of the sale of Air India.  But there are no takers for this airline.  The buyers have to abide by some stringent conditions which keep them away.  Those who come forward to take the assets on lease will prefer to take most profit-making assets, like airports, harbour and ports.  Finally, only two or three investors like Ambani and Adani will come forward.  This will lead to formation of monopoly and oligarchs.


3.      The governments in the past have tried other means to hand over the assets to the private capital through schemes like “Disinvestments”, “Public Private Partnership”.  These have not worked well.  In the case of disinvestment, the government has sold the profit-making assets for a song, resulting in handing over tax payers’ assets to the capitalists.  The Centaur hotel of Mumbai was sold at a very lowest price.  The buyer sold this hotel within a month making huge profits.  The new buyer is making a roaring business out of it.  Finally, it the public that have lost their wealth to the private capital.


4.      The government will lease out to the private capital assets built by the government from the taxpayers' money.  When these assets, like Airports, Railways, roads, ports and harbours go under the control of the private capital.  They will try to get maximum profit out of it.  When the private capital hands over these assets to the government after the stipulated time we will not be able to know the condition in which these assets will be returned. 

“A farmer buys a young healthy, milk yielding cow.  He leases it out to a milkman for three or four years.  The milkman milks the cow and feeds less to make maximum profit.  After three or four years the farmer gets the cow back in a miserable condition, under nourished and low milk yielding cow.”


5.      If these assets are leased to the cronies of the government as it has happened in the case of airports it will result in monopoly.  If the private players (monopolists) charge the consumers high consumer fees, then the consumer will suffer.  Initially the consumers pay to build these assets through their tax money and the same assets land in the hands of the private capital who further exploits the consumer.


6.      In the year 1991, Narasimha government along with Dr. Manmohan Singh liberalized the Indian Economy.  The economy was liberalized, opened to the world market, for private investment.  This reform has seen a sea change in the Indian economy.  We have a lot of foreign investors in the country.  There was indeed high growth.


7.      But on the other hand, we have seen a lot of petty producers pushed out of production.  The industrial growth has led to the forcible displacement of peasants from their land.  If we take an example of tribal population then we will see that their land holding which had been sustaining their families have been forcibly evacuated from their land and their lands have been taken over by Adani and Vedantas to explore minerals. From 1991 to 2011 the number of cultivators has fallen by 15 million.  These people have been reduced to wage labourers or keep migrating to the cities in search of non-existing employment.  Of course, the economy has seen tremendous growth. We have noticed that the GDP growth and growth in employment is inversely related.  We can see the way auto industries are organized.  The high automation has improved the quality of cars but it has not created proportionately equal employment.  In many cases it has displaced the workers.


8.      The reform in the labour laws have encouraged foreign and domestic investment and industrialization.  But it has reduced the bargaining power of the workers.  There is a widespread practice of contract labour.  Usually the semiskilled workers, as and when needed by the industries, were hired through the contractors.  But now even the highly skilled workers are hired through contract labour.

9.      The three farm laws which the Modi government has introduced will reduce the farmers to the condition of contract farmers.  The procurement and farm market will be controlled by Ambani and Adani.  Farmers will become mere extensions of the corporates who have already built massive store houses to store food grains.  These corporations can even create artificial famine by hoarding food grains, forcing the poor to starve.

 

10.  The real issue we would like to address here is how far the government can go in following this Paradigm of development”? 

 

The state wants to transfer the wealth of the society to the wealthy capital owners and reduce the rest of humanity into mere wage labourers who would have to rely on the wages, having no share in the wealth of the society. The society to be divided into a few oligarchs and the rest of the people into wage labourers having no share in the capital of the society.  By allowing these oligarchs to own the society’s wealth these oligarchs will rule the state.  This will make the government to rule for these oligarchs.  The wage labourers may have houses, three square meals, health care and education but they will have no share in the society and the capital created from their taxes.  The meaning of their lives will be reduced to eternally wage labourers. In India, it is not only the pace of growth that will impress people, but also the pace of their inclusion in it. Those who are being left behind, including tribals, do not want to be mere passive beneficiaries of state handouts and corporate philanthropy. They want to be respected, earning their own incomes and growing their own wealth.

 

11.  Citizenship as wage labourers for the capital:  If after monetizing the national assets the government may invest the proceeds for creation of new assets.  It will give rise to employment opportunities.  But who will be the end beneficiary of this?  This investment will be to create wealth for the private capital. The lives of the wage labourers always hang on the temporary strings.  When the string becomes weak the life becomes precarious and when the string breaks the labourers fall flat on the ground.  We have experienced this during the pandemic.  The labourers were the most affected population of the society.  There were a huge number of people who lost their jobs; the miseries of the migrant labourers have remained on the TV screens long enough to be forgotten.  While the working class was pushed into the depth of poverty and suffering the private capital owners’ wealth grew in multiples.


12.  To prevent opposition or revolt from the toiling masses the state assumed a greater repressive nature, abolishing the right to protest, frequently using draconian laws like UAPA, sedition that goes to deprive the rights of citizenship for people who dare to think and express their opinion.  Reform in the trade union laws which deprive the right of the workers to bargain, demand for fair wages, security of employment.


13.   “A farmer grazing his cattle in the land near the National highway no 7 says, “life has become hard for us because our space has been taken away from us.  This highway which came up right in front of our eyes has taken away so many of our cattle, sheep and goats.  We used to be afraid of tigers which would sometimes take away our cattle.  The tigers have gone and vultures like these highways have come.  Nowadays these highways have been fenced, preventing us from entering the highway roads.  We cannot cross these roads.  Our bullock cart cannot enter the road.”

14.  Nation building is primarily making all citizens feel that this nation belongs to them; that they have a share in the wealth of the nation.  

 

Murder of Fr. Stan because he was a prophet

 

MURDER OF A PROPHET:

 

Father Stan was murdered.  He was murdered because he believed in the truth. He had the courage to speak the truth to the power. But the power did not have the honesty to listen to the truth.  The power was and is wedded to the economically powerful.  The power works for and defend the interests of the economically powerful.

Stan could not have been killed like Gowri Lankesh, Gowind Pansare and M. M. Kalburgi. Stan was living in the midst of Adivasis in Jharkhand area.  The Adivasis’ organized nature was a great protection to Stan, whom they considered as their leader and savior.  The state could not find any ground on which they could arrest him.  They had to plant incriminating documents into his computer to show to the world that he was plotting against the Indian State.  He was linked to the Bhima Koregaon case.  He never went to Bhima Koregaon, nor did he have any link or knowledge about the event there.

Stan Swamy was killed only because he was working with the Adivasis, fighting along with the Adivasis for the implementation of “Forest Right Act” (FRA, 2006) and of PESA (Panchayat Extension to Schedule Area, 1996) that ensured the right of the Adivasis for their self-rule, guaranteed in the fifth Schedule of the constitution of India.

Stan had heavily relied on the scientific understanding of the society.  He has been analysing the economic, political and social structures of the society.

If there is a massive poverty in India it is because there are rich people in India.  Poverty is a direct consequence of the fact of rich having control on the wealth of the world.  The rich not only have the control on the wealth of the society, they have political power to keep them in their position of wealth and power.  The entire economic, political and social system in the country begets poverty.  He used to quote Julius Nyerere, the then President of Tanzania saying.  “Just as when it rains, the water flows from the driest region to the lakes and seas where there is abundance of water the wealth from the hands of the poor flows into the hands of the rich who are already very rich.  The rich not only have wealth but they have power over the lives of the poor.  The economic and political system that exists in the society functions in such a way that the rich become richer and the poor become poorer as a consequence of naturally functioning of the organization of the society.

In the context of the Jharkhand tribal areas, he perceived that the Adivasis who are original inhabitants (indigenous people) of the place were cheated, exploited and oppressed by the urban rich.  These people have right to the land on which they have been living for thousands of years owned that land.  But their land possessed world’s richest minerals.  The Adivasis were the owners of the land therefore they were also the owners of the wealth beneath their land.  The urban sharks, like Adanis wanted to displaced the Adivasis and extract the minerals from the Adivasis’ land.  Several corporations had come to the area with money and technology to mine the place.  The Adivasis were united and they wanted to know what plans these sharks had and how the wealth beneath the soil going to be shared.  They demanded that they should get 50% of the wealth beneath their land.  These cronies had to go empty handed.  Father Stan and the Organization of the Adivasis were the biggest hurdle in the path of the Adanies of India.  Hence it was essential to take Fr. Stan out of their path. 

Stan was booked under UAPA.  UAPA does not allow the accused bale.  Once accused the onus of proving innocent lies on the accused.  UAPA deprives the accused their citizenship.  Going by the treatment Stan received UAPA treats the accused unfit for any human care.

Fr. Stan has been part of the Jesuit Society, a society which has made the largest contribution to India in the field of education.  They have the most prestigious education institutions in which many of our politicians, even from BJP party, have studies.  Fr. Stan did not believe in violence.  Due to his vow of poverty, he did not have a bank account and for his needs he will have to go to his superiors to get money for that.  He was never involved in any conflict or social disturbance. The investigating agency had to fabricate evidences and plant in his computer.  Both investigating agency and the judiciary hatched a plot to kill him exactly in the manner he died.  They have blood on their hands.  There is no way we can explain why he was not given medical care, his multiple illnesses were not taken note of, he was not provided sipper to help him to drink water.  They allowed his health to deteriorate to the point of no return.  They now feel they have no role in his death.  But the world knows that they have blood on their hand.

Father Stan came to Indian Social Institute, Training Centre Bangalore in 1975.  He took over the charge of the institute from Fr. Henry Volken.  Institute Social Institute was known for training social activists from across the country.

The core of the of the training was to understand what is development and what is poverty.  There was not doubt in the minds of the institute, represented by Fr. Volken, Fr. Stan Lourduswamy and Duarte Barreto, that the poor and the rich are the two sides of the same coin.

The direct consequence of this analysis is that we cannot overcome poverty by feeding the poor.  The poor are creators of the wealth of the society.  They are the ones who toil in the land and in the factories creating wealth.  What they get in return is their wages.  Along with many social scientists Indian Social Institute believed that organizing the exploited people is the only way to empower the poor who can fight for their rights.    He had no doubts in his mind that among the toiling masses the Dalits and the Adivasis were the most exploited people.  He opted to work for the Adivasis of Jharkhand where he had spent a lot of time as a young Jesuit.

After his stint of about 15 years, he left to Jharkhand to work for Adivasis.  He was convinced that he was needed in Jharkhand the most.  I have no better words to describe his conviction and commitment to the cause of the Adivasis.  I will quote his reflection on his 50th year of priesthood.

50 yon 14th April 2020 started off celebrating Mass with glow                                                         as often as three masses in as many places on Sundays.

But living and sharing life with Indigenous Adivasi People,       accompanying them in their struggles against                                         forcible unjust displacement,                                                                    deprival of their rights over their natural resources,                               denial of their due share in the rich minerals                                                                       dug out literally from beneath their feet,                                                   and to add insult to injury,                                                                          when they stood up to protest against injustice meted out to them, were thrown into jails in umpteen numbers . . .                                      started asking myself what ‘priesthood’ would mean                                     in this heart-rending reality.                                          

What would his sacrifice mean if not his whole life                                 a life that brought him to his death                                                                     killed by the powers that be                                                                 for he stood up against oppression of the poor and the weak.

I then decided to take on the oppressive but mighty State                        filed a case on behalf of the thousands of under-trial prisoners                   most of whom, everybody knows, are innocent                                               it was then the State decided to put me out of the way.

Multiple cases filed against me                                                                    cases as serious as ‘sedition’,                                                                       not a small solace to remind oneself                                                                                         that Jesus was also accused of ‘sedition’                                                    and paid the supreme sacrifice of his life.

Arrest-warrant issued on me, was declared an ‘absconder’,                                            my work-cum-living premise raided three times (August 2018 – October 2019)  all my personal belongings (computer to mattress & pillow) confiscated ! I now have only three things I can call my own:                                            my body, my mind, my conscience.                                                                    If I was not a Jesuit,                                                                                  would be literally on the street.

Life with uncertainties, like a swinging pendulum.                                     in one case, ‘arrest warrant’ is still live,                                                          can be activated anytime                                                                              but for the change in political regime.                                                          In the second case, can be ‘promoted’ (!)                                                     from being a ‘suspect’ to ‘accused’                                                               and thrown behind bars.

But one thing certain,                                                                                 feel privileged to walking the Way of the Cross                                          with Jesus and our people being crucified.                                             Earnestly hoping will share his death,                                                             a death that brought life, a new life,                                                            the life of the Resurrection.

 

Fr. Stand Lurduswamy S.J. was called by God

 

THE CALL OF GOD FOR FR. STAN LOURDUSWAMY

 

Once up on a time a young man was grazing sheep at the far side of a desert.  While he was sitting and keeping watch on his sheep suddenly, he saw at a distance a strange sight. He saw a bush burning but the fire was not consuming the bush.  When he went close to see the strange event, he was told that the place he was standing was holy and he should remove his sandals.  The voice from the bush said, “I have seen the humiliation of my people at the hands of their exploiters and I have heard their cries. Go now I am sending you to bring my people out of their slavery.”

Almost in a similar fashion a young boy from Tiruchirappalli was called by God to go to the tribal region of Bihar/Jharkhand to set His people free.  After his ordination on 14th April 1970 in the Society of Jesus (S.J.) he left to Bihar/ Jharkhand to work with the Adivasis.

Stan believed that it was not enough to dole out material goods and food relief to the Adivasis.  He should work for their emancipation and development.  The only way to work for the development of the Adivasis would be to educate them to understand their rights and fight for their rights.

After working for several years in Bihar (Jharkhand) he was asked to work in Indian Social Institute the Nation’s premier research, training, and documentation institute in Bangalore.  Through this institute he trained many social workers and youth to work for rural development and nation building. He enabled them to understand the social, economic realities of our society to be able to work effectively with the Dalits, Adivasis and weaker section of the society.

After completing his term at the Indian Social Institute, he went back to Jharkhand to work with the Adivasis.  He knew that the constitution and the legal frame work has enough space for the rights of the Adivasis.  For example, “the 5th schedule of the constitution” deals with the administration of Schedule areas as well as Scheduled Tribes residing in different states. Secondly in 1996 the central government had passed a law called “Panchayats (extension to Scheduled Areas) PESA Act 1996”.  By virtue of this act the constitution gives to the people living in the schedule area the power of self-governance through traditional Gram Sabhas.  This laws prevent outsiders to enter the schedule area to exploit the people and the natural resources for their private gain. 

The successive government did not have political will to implement these laws which protect the lives and livelihood of the Adivasis.  Fr. Stan was concerned about non implementation of the 5th Schedule of the Indian Constitution and PESA. 

One does not need rocket science to understand why these laws were not implemented.  The schedule areas where Adivasis are living are rich with mineral resources.  The hitherto practice has been the government would evict the Adivasis from their homes and lands and hand over their land to the corporates and multinational companies to excavate the minerals below their land.  To put in the words of Fr. Stan, “every mine that is dug not only destroys the green forests, fertile lands and water bodies but displaces entire village habitations”.

Perhaps in olden days when Adivasis were ignorant and unorganized they could be easily pushed out of their land.  It is because of this mindless exploitation of the Adivasis and

With sustained work of conscientization by people like Fr. Stan Adivasis have woken up to understand their rights. Through their prolonged struggles PESA Act was passed in 1996. They have started resisting the oppression.  They started a movement called Pathal Ghadi.  They started erecting stone slabs at the entrance of every Adivasi village.  They inscribe relevant parts of the constitution and PESA Act on the slab.  They also inscribe the names of the people who have given their lives in the struggle to protect the rights of the Adivasis. The government has dealt with heavy hand with all the resistance of the Adivasis from their eviction.  More than 6000 youth are languishing in jail without charge sheet or trial.

Fr. Stan has meticulously documented the torture and the sufferings of these Adivasi youth.  Along with other civil right activists Fr. Stan has filed public interest litigations to bring relief to the Adivasis.

In response to this the government filed the case of sedition against Fr. Stan.  The National Investigation Agency has implicated him in Bhima Koregaon violence.  At first, he was only a suspect but now they have accused him of being involved in Bhima Koregao violence.  They have further accused him as a cadre of the Maoist.  They raided his office in Ranchi and took away his mobile phone and laptop.  The most atrocious things the NIA has done is they have planted material in his laptop to prove that he is a Maoist. What is ludicrous is that such material the NIA has planted in many who have been arrested in Maharastra contain the same spelling mistakes and Marathi words.  Since Stan does not know Marathi one wonders how could he use Marathi words in the documents planted in his computer.

Fr. Stan being a staunch Christian and a Jesuit priest does not believe in indulging in false hood let alone using violence.

The real issue is not that Fr. Stan is a Maoist or uses violence.  NIA’s charge sheet will not stand the test in trial court.  The real problem is that Fr. Stan has awakened the Adivasis to understand their rights to their land and homes.  They have started resisting. They are demanding a share in the wealth that lies beneath their land. This creates difficulties for the government to hand over their lands to the crony capitalists for excavating rich minerals from the lands of the Adivasis.

Fr. Stan asks, “why truth has become so bitter, dissent so intolerable and justice so out of reach.